10 Black people Fox News does not want on TV

1. Jason Black


2. Professor Black Truth


3. Claude Anderson

4. Neely Fuller

5. Umar Johnson

6. Tariq Nasheed

7. General Yahanna

ISUPK’s regional director, General Yahanna, defended the group, saying residents’ real issue was not sound, but the group’s message.[6] The group identifies its message as saving local residents’ souls and discouraging people from drugs and crime; it regards its separatist teachings as the real objection residents have

8. Jesse Williams

9. Jeremiah Wright


Africa’s Big Cities Offer Investors Hope in Hard Times

JOHANNESBURG — Africa’s biggest economies have been hammered by the collapse in commodity prices over the past 18 months but there are still investment bright spots to be found.

In cities such as Lagos, Nairobi, Accra, Kinshasa and Johannesburg, growth remains robust and investors are prospering in the retail, financial services, technology and construction sectors. This means investors can now re-adjust their strategy for Africa. Instead of taking a view on the continent as a whole, or choosing one country over another, they can seize opportunities city by city. Sub-Saharan Africa is urbanizing faster than anywhere else in the world and city dwellers have more money to spend. “In the current economic environment, investors want areas where success is proven, growth is strong and will remain strong. Big African cities give you that,” said Jacob Kholi, a partner at Abraaj, a private equity firm with $9 billion under management. “It has become even more important to focus on these key cities than before,” Kholi added.

Nairobi is the most attractive destination for foreign investment, according to a 2015 report by PricewaterhouseCoopers, followed by Accra, with Lagos and Johannesburg equal third. Consumption per capita in Accra is 1.6 times greater than the average in Ghana, 2.3 times bigger in Lagos than the average in Nigeria, and 2.7 times larger in Nairobi than nationally in Kenya, Abraaj estimates. Lagos, one of the world’s fastest growing cities and with a population of 20 million, expects economic growth of 7 percent this year, twice the pace of the country as a whole.

Even South Africa, which is grappling with youth unemployment of over 40 percent and could slip into recession this year, has areas where industry is booming.

“Looking around here, you wouldn’t know things were so bad,” construction worker Sifiso Zwane told Reuters in Johannesburg’s wealthy Sandton business district.

“Rich people will always find a way to make more money,” said Zwane, with cranes filling the skyline behind him and billboards advertising new retailers like Krispy Kreme doughnuts and Hennes & Mauritz.

There are similar stories elsewhere.

This year, Kenya is set to unveil the Two River malls in Nairobi, the continent’s largest shopping center outside South Africa, with brands like Porsche, Hugo Boss and France’s Carrefour already booking space.

“The economy still has opportunities,” said Gabriel Modest, a jeweler who says demand for the gold necklaces and bracelets he sells remains strong.

“Sometimes you have to treat yourself,” he added, ordering a bowl of muesli and yoghurt at an upmarket Nairobi coffee shop.

In Lagos, plans are in place to develop the vast multi-billion-dollar Eko Atlantic city, a Dubai-style gated community that will boast chrome skyscrapers, business parks, palm trees and a marina.

“MEGA-CITY” By 2025, Mckinsey estimates that more than 80 cities in sub-Saharan Africa will have populations of more than one million, accounting for 58 percent of the region’s growth.

This rapid urbanization means Africa’s big cities will need more roads, hospital and power stations, while growing numbers of new inhabitants will be buying consumer goods like instant noodles, washing powder and mobile phone cards. Though some big companies like Massmart, Barclays and Nestle have slowed expansion plans in Africa in the last two years they are still making healthy profits in the big urban centers, according to banking sources. “Our investment is focused on cities where we see the best opportunities even if the investment environment in the rest of the country isn’t as robust,” said Louis Deppe, partner at Actis, an emerging market-focused investment company. “The ‘mega-city’ trend is still very much on the cards.” The share of Africans living in urban areas is expected to grow from 36 percent in 2010 to 50 percent by 2030, with cities expected to be home to 85 percent of the national population in some countries, according to the World Bank. The rapid urbanization of mostly the young and unemployed is placing a huge strain on infrastructure and will put pressure on politicians to direct more resources towards cities. Inequality in African cities is already among the highest in the world. African governments with stretched public finances will need to improve housing and social safety nets in cities and diversify their economies to support rural areas in order to avoid an increase in inequality that could stir up discontent. “In a more risk-averse world, ‘urban bias’ – where there are proven returns – is likely to be reinforced. Investors will look at urban areas,” said Razia Khan, head of Africa research at Standard Chartered. “This trend runs the risk of the rural electorate being marginalized – in especially unequal regions, it may raise political risks, and the potential for unrest.”

Back in Lagos, business is still expanding for cab-owner Cyril Ugochukwu, whose earnings are running well above the target he set for his business, which has contracts with online firm Easy Taxi.

“Individuals must make trips whether times are good or bad,” he told Reuters.

(Additional reporting by Duncan Miriri in Nairobi and Chijioke Ohuocha in Lagos; Editing by Giles Elgood)V

Ethiopia Halts Regional Plan After Protests

JAN. 13, 2016

Members of the Oromo ethnic group blocked a road in Wolenkomi, Ethiopia, in December.CreditWilliam Davison/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images


“Companies are investing in India for services, and they are flocking to China for manufacturing. But if you want to grow food you have to be in Africa”

Sai Ramakrishna Karuturi

Already the world’s biggest rose supplier, Karuturi now wants to become the world’s largest food producer. His goal is to acquire and cultivate 3 million hectares – roughly the size of Belgium – of commercial farmland. Most of it will be in Africa, and that’s where he expects that most of his product will be consumed. He already has a $400 million contract with the Djibouti government to supply 40,000 tonnes of rice per year for the next 20 years, and expects even larger contracts with other African nations seeking to replace imports from Asia.

Armin Rosen

Ethiopia, which has averaged double-digit GDP growth over the past decade and enjoys a close strategic relationship with the US, is one of Africa’s emerging economic and political powers and an example of a country that’s improved its economic fortunes without opening its political space.

A  January 11 Bloomberg News story hints at a huge problem the country might be facing moving forward.

According to Bloomberg, the Ethiopian government canceled a 2010 lease that Karuturi, an India-based agricultural company, had taken out on 100,000 acres of farmland.

Despite making an over $100 million investment in the country’s farming sector, Karuturi was accused of breaking its lease agreement in developing only 1,200 acres thus far. But the company claimed that it had received waivers from the Ethiopian government in the past, and said that it did not recognize the project’s cancellation.

According to Bloomberg, Karuturi had taken over land that the Ethiopian state had sold off as part of a controversial program in which the government leased 3.3 million acres of farmland to foreign investors after allegedly displacing some of that land’s original tenants.


It’s the kind of undertaking that would be substantially harder if Ethiopia were a multiparty democracy, rather than one of Africa’s most thoroughgoing dictatorships.

While Karuturi arguably stood to benefit from Ethiopia’s centralized single-party regime, it’s now learned the risk involved in pouring $100 million into an opaque authoritarian state.

And Ethiopia’s leaders, who want both economic prosperity and total political control, might soon find that these objectives aren’t nearly as mutually reinforcing as they’d hoped.


Like Karuturi’s disappeared $100 million investment, the Addis Ababa expansion plan embodies the perils and contradictions of the Ethiopian regime’s long-term strategy of securing internal calm through economic growth and strong ties with foreign powers like the US and China.

As in past eras, the Ethiopian capital is being built up as a showpiece of the country’s modernity and development, and as a reflection of Ethiopia’s sense of its unique place in the world. Addis has one of Africa’s first light rails, a Chinese-built, 19.6-mile system that opened last year.

The city and the surrounding area are home to both of the country’s Chinese special economic zones, industrial parks where Chinese companies get tax breaks in exchange for operating in Ethiopia and hiring local employees. The Addis expansion plan would have incorporated neighboring areas into the capital district, enabling more holistic and centralized urban planning for a rapidly growing and economically vital capital city.

But the expansion plan also came at the expense of land in the Oromia Region — and it ended up exposing some of the deepest fractures in Ethiopian society.

The Oromo are Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group but have been historically excluded from centers of power. Because Ethiopia lacks an ethnic majority (and perhaps because it has a 1,500-year history rife with conflict between the country’s centers of power and it geographic and social periphery), the country’s regions are supposed to receive a certain degree of autonomy under Ethiopia’s 1995 Constitution, which actually gives the regions a right to secede under certain circumstances.

In practice, the center still holds all of the power.

Google MapsLocation of Addis Ababa, capital of Ethiopia.

The current Ethiopian government, which is entirely run by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, which is descended from the militia that overthrew the ruling communist state in 1991 after a protracted civil war, is among the most oppressive in Africa.

The EPRDF regime is dominated largely by elites from the Tigrayan ethnic group. But its rule depends on a baseline of inter-communal harmony — just as it depends on the appearance of progress and economic growth.

The Addis plan is one instance in which these two objectives came into direct conflict. Protests over the plan, which Oromo viewed as a land grab undertaken by an oppressive and unrepresentative central government, broke out in late 2015. The government responded witha crackdown that killed 140 people, marking perhaps the deadliest outburst of political violence in the country since its civil war ended in 1991.

Even if the plan has been suspended, the Addis Ababa expansion push is an extension of aggressive growth policies that are fundamental to the regime’s self-image and possibly its survival, policies enabled by strong arm tactics that a country might not accept accept.

But the protests showed that economic growth and authoritarianism can’t paper over a general sense of frustration.

As Jeffrey Smith, head of the RFK Center’s sub-Saharan Africa-related advocacy programs explained to Business Insider, the suspension of the plan will do little to reduce popular discontent towards the regime.

“If the government is trying to head off larger protests and discontent in the country, then it’s much too little and much too late,” Smith wrote in an email. “During the protests, an estimated 140 people were killed and thousands were injured, opposition leaders and journalists were jailed, and the constitution was shredded … there has been no accountability for the deaths of protesters and dissent continues to be criminalized and violently suppressed.”

ethiopia rail systemTiksa Negeri/ReutersA worker works on the electrified light rail transit construction site in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa, on December 16, 2014.

As with Karuturi’s apparent ejection from the country, the contradictions of trying to build a robust economy without genuine political freedom or basic transparency are manifesting themselves. But with the Addis plan, the stakes are much higher for the regime.

The Oromo protests are “engendering an intensified ethnic awareness that has also revitalized calls for genuine self-rule in the region,” Smith writes.

That’s a huge threat to a government that’s itself came to power following an ethnically fractious civil war. “I think leaders in Addis Ababa has gotten much more than they bargained for,” says Smith.


(It is interesting that Ethiopia, A Black country is even doing to business with one of the most racist antiblack societies in the world. Basically what you have here is a situation. What you have here is a situation where you have Black people who are traitors to their own people selling off their land to foreigners from racist countries, and displacing their own people, just for money. Luckily the people of Ethiopia have not bowed in cowardice unlike some other countries and have fought back. Good job Ethiopians )


What are Africans doing to Fight Afrophobia…..nothing

Ask Muslim







Vicious Anti Black Racism in the Muslim World




Blacks in Libya








That study showed that most Hindu honor killings are caste-related and that Muslim honor killings are triggered by many more reasons, e.g., girls have been killed for looking at a boy, allowing their veil to slip, being seen without their veil, refusing to marry their first cousin, insisting on divorcing their first cousin, developing non-Muslim friends, having a non-Muslim boyfriend, being suspected of having an affair, wanting a higher education, etc.

What is our response?